The British banking sector, certainly as
it impacts the big banking conglomerates, is an obsolete and broken edifice. It
is now damaged beyond any kind of meaningful repair, and it needs a radical
reform of its function, its role, its systems, its employees and management,
and above all, its criminogenic culture.
Paul Moore, the whistleblower who exposed
the criminal goings-on inside HBOS, and who was sacked for his temerity has put
the problem in these terms;
“...The whole banking
system is broken and needs total reform. We need a fully transparent, forensic
no-holds-barred inquiry in which everyone with a vested interest in further
cover-ups, which includes existing and past politicians, existing and past
regulators, any City of London grandee, must be barred from taking part other
than as a witness. It should be presided over by three judges and three
ordinary British people voted onto the tribunal.”
Included in the list
of persons who should be debarred from having any part in this debate except as
witnesses would be all accountants, lawyers, Big 4-type consultants, recruitment
agencies, and any other agency that derived an income from serving the banking
sector, and whose commercial interests were served by the continuance of the
status-quo.
Something very bad has
happened to the British financial sector, something deeply corrosive and
cynical. I trace it back to the era of 'Big Bang', the revolution in financial
trading systems, and the emergence of foreign banking institutions coming into
London to take advantage of the regulatory free-for-all, which arrived in the
wake of de-regulation.
In his
article, "...Mavericks at the Casino: Legal and Ethical Indeterminancy
in the Financial Markets...",
Christopher Stanley identifies the development of this new phenomenon
within the previously ordered environment of the City of London .
"...The New City reflected the ideological
aspirations of a system of political administrations which disrupted the
post-war consensus of relations between polity and economy. It also reflected
the Casino or Disorganisation of Capitalism: an international financial system
in which gamblers in the casino have got out of hand. The New City was international, technological and
subscribed to the Enterprise Culture ethos which placed individual success and
self-reliance as the primary indicators of excellence. The structural changes
which the Government introduced, in terms of trading practice and regulation,
operated with the new financial products and markets to ensure that the
particular elite of the Old City, which was (now) perceived as a dangerously
destabilising hegemonic counterforce as a result of the tension between
Establishment and Disestablishment, was dislodged in the face of externally
imposed change. Thus settled norms of conduct were open to disruption'..."
"... Pursuing the 'Legitimation of
Deviancy' theory, Stanley
draws upon the concepts of the 'Anomie of Affluence' to attempt 'explanations
in this formulation of individual conduct within this particular field of moral
and economic deregulation.' He posited a vision of a market in which money no
longer possessed any intrinsic value as a benchmark of the underlying value of
the commodity traded, but became a 'free-floating signifier detached from the
real processes to which it once referred...there is therefore a transition in
its nature as a commodity to which moral or ethical values can be attached. In
addition the artificiality of electronic money enables the further
disappearance of the victim and the possibility of justification through
reference to prevailing economic rationality ('Greed is Good').
Put more succinctly, the old settled ways
of the City of London had been replaced by a culture of 'get rich quick and the
devil take the last person holding the parcel when the music stops'. The banks
had ceased to be institutions with defined roles and functions. Whereas before
they had placed significant focus on the prudent management of the public's
limited savings, providing them with a clearing system which enabled the
ordinary citizen to conduct his personal financial business in a safe and efficient
manner, now the emphasis rapidly passed to the focus on 'casino'-style banking,
proprietary trading on behalf of the parent bank, gambling in the open market
to make vast profits.
So profitable did this business become at
the height of the boom, that even politicians were bamboozled into believing
that it could go on and on. Gordon Brown was more bedazzled than many, and in
his slavish adherence to the power of these markets, he waxed lyrical in their
praise.
An example of Brown’s dewy-eyed
adoration for financial alchemists can be read in his Mansion House speech in
2007,just before the whole edifice went belly-up! He said;
“I congratulate you on these remarkable
achievements, an era that history will record as the beginning of a new golden
age for the City of London ... I believe it will be said of this age, the first
decades of the 21st century, that out of the greatest restructuring of the
global economy, perhaps even greater than the industrial revolution, a new
world order was created."
If you are reading these words for
the first time, you must after the devastating market crash be wondering what
planet Gordon inhabited. He has never
once since felt it necessary to apologise for this lunatic analysis, or for the
era of destabilisation it unleashed. Instead, in usual Brown style he sought to
lay the blame for his incompetence on others, and in this case, the banks
themselves. He was reported in the Guardian on 14th October 2010 as follows:
"...Brown has admitted
mistakes in regulating the banks, accusing the City of lobbying against greater
scrutiny before the financial crisis plunged Britain into recession. Brown had
previously blamed the scale of the recession mainly on the international
financial crisis and the refusal of other countries to agree to tighter
international surveillance of the banks.
In an ITV interview due to be
broadcast tonight, Brown admits he had been influenced by bankers' lobbying.
"In the 1990s, the banks,
they all came to us and said, 'Look, we don't want to be regulated, we want to
be free of regulation.' ... And all the complaints I was getting from people
was, 'Look you're regulating them too much.'
"The truth is that globally
and nationally we should have been regulating them more. So I've learnt from
that..."
The City had once again managed to do what the City has a genius for, they had completely suckered the Labour Government who interpreted the arrogance and pushiness of the City elite, as some kind of financial expertise. Brown was so enthralled by the financial figures which were being wafted over his desk, he was determined as Chancellor to let them have their head, and he encouraged them to carry on in the same vein.
An article in the London Progressive
Journal identified yet another of the many Brown mistakes.
"...He therefore called for
‘light touch regulation,’ in other words less regulation on the City and
finance capital. Before his Mansion House audience in 2007, he called for,
"a risk-based regulatory approach". It was an old theme. In the same
hall three years before, he pledged that "in budget after budget I want us
to do even more to encourage the risk takers"
Now of course we know better. We now
know that 'light touch' regulation really means 'no regulation' and present
proposals for regulatory reform do not carry any weight.
Paul Moore, former
head of group regulatory risk and so-called ‘HBOS whistleblower’, who last month
set up the New Wilberforce Alliance
to campaign for economic and financial reform, said: “I am a huge fan of Conservative MP Andrew
Tyrie but his commission is not going to work. In the light of recent
revelations and the post-crisis whitewashes and cover ups, hardly anyone in the
UK trusts the politicians, the government, the regulators to handle this any
more.”
Among solutions
proposed by the alliance include that the fiduciary
duties of the directors of publicly-quoted companies, including banks,
should be amended to encompass public duties. Moore said: “There should be
legal obligation not to focus solely on destructive goals such as short-term
profit and share-price maximisation.”
Moore also favours a
return to full-reserve banking. Under full-reserve banking, banks must
retain the funds of each depositor in reserve, either as cash or other highly
liquid assets, often deposited with the country’s central bank, rather than use
them as seed capital for speculative trades.
He added: “We should
also be looking to cut off the heads of the hydra that the banking issue has
become, by breaking up the banks into smaller units, creating regional,
credit-style banks like landesbanks and credit banks. There has to be a
deconstruction of the ‘too big to fail’ institutions and a firm enforcement of
the split between their retail and casino arms. That will ultimately deprive
the casino arms of the ability to borrow speculative capital for the purposes
of gambling in world markets.”
Moore also said that
there should be a blanket ban on banks engaging in proprietary
trading. “Proprietary trading is an abuse of a dominant position in
information, often generated through conflicts of interest, mathematics, and
computer science.”
Most important of all, we must in future see a regime of financial
regulation which encompasses the recognition that in all cases where fraud,
market manipulation, money laundering, insider dealing or any of the myriad
offences of which banks have been guilty in the past, they will be prosecuted
to the limit of the law.
There must be no more cosy deals done in backrooms whereby junior
members of staff are offered up as sacrificial lambs, while the main board
directors walk free, and the institution they manage pays up, even a large
fine. It doesn't matter how much you fine banks, the only people who suffer are
the shareholders.
We have to install a system of regulation whereby the regulatory
agencies are staffed with young, ambitious prosecutors who have the moral
courage to go up against the big institutions, with the knowledge, and the
power to bring down even the most senior executive.
In the United States, it is a common way for a young and ambitious
lawyer to make his or her mark by joining one of the public prosecutorial or
regulatory agencies, and then taking on the very biggest cases, with a view to
getting big convictions which will catch headlines. In this way, the lawyer
becomes observed to be someone who is has credibility and they become a
sought-after commodity, in both private practice or in public life.
We need the same brand of morally-courageous prosecutors in the UK
because that will begin to dismantle the aura of 'too big to jail' which has
been allowed to cling to too many financial practitioners.
What is the likelihood of any of these reforms happening under the
present government? Let me know your views.
2 comments:
While I believe it unlikely radical banking reform will put an end to the reign of banking fraud and gluttony amongst our bankers during a single term of any government, I am convinced it is the responsibility of us all to continue to call for change. To this end I wholly support Paul Moore's New Wilberforce Alliance but accept it took William Wilberforce a lifetime (50 yrs) of campaigning to finally abolish slavery. I can only hope, through sufficient public endorsement, the abolition of financial slavery will gather the necessary momentum to produce a favourable outcome somewhat sooner. http://lifeafterdebts.blogspot.co.uk/
Thank you Rowan for keeping this thoroughly toxic issue very much alive. Getting the kind of Commission of Enquiry is whilst thoroughly necessary going to be a tall order as the extent of vested interest in the City is so great. The apologists are out in force even on the BBC who persist in calling in that wanker David Buik from Cantor Index to make inane and risible statements several times a week. If he like others in the City are unaware of the extent of the criminogenic culture then he is unfit to hold any job there. Having just finished Nicholas Shaxson's Treasure Islands it is clear that all the institutions of the City need to be re-built starting with the Corporation of London. However, the legislative burden has to extend to the tax system and importantly to the awful state of affairs that tolerates the separate status of the City of London and the egregious situation that allows for tax havens in former British colonies. Then the use of LLPs and LLcs has to be stopped. It is hard to know where to start - perhaps we should consider publishing a list of persons who cannot be trusted to be involved in the reform process and invite contributions together with supporting 'evidence'.
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