These are
the findings of the latest report by Transparency International (TI), a global
NGO which monitors issues pertaining to financial and economic crime.
Their latest report entitled “...Don't Look, Won't Find: - Weaknesses in the supervision of the UK’s anti-money laundering rules...” spells out in sparse terms the inadequacies of the UK anti-money laundering regime.
The
findings of the TI report make for sorry reading. I set them out here;
A system not fit for purpose:
- Poor oversight - The majority of sectors covered in this research are performing very badly in terms of identifying and reporting money laundering. Major problems have been identified in the quality, as well as the quantity, of reports coming out of the legal, accountancy and estate agency sectors. One supervisor even admitted it carried out no targeted AML monitoring at all during 2013.
- Lack of transparency - 20/22 supervisors fail to meet the standard of enforcement transparency demanded by the Macrory standards of effective regulation.
- Ineffective sanctions - Low fines, in relation to the amounts being laundered, failing to be effective deterrents. Of the 7 HMRC regulated sectors, that includes estate agents, the total fines in 2014/15 amounted to just £768,000.
- Independence questioned – Just 7/22 supervisors control for institutional conflicts of interest, whilst 15 are also lobby groups for the sectors they supervise.
The research highlights that:
- A third of banks dismissed serious money laundering allegations without adequate review
- In the accountancy sector, at least 14 different supervisors have some responsibility – leading to widespread inconsistency and variations.
- In property, only 179 cases deemed suspicious by estate agents in 2013/14.
- Just 15 suspicious cases reported through art and auction houses.
Regular
readers of this blog will know that I have long been warning of the unenforced
regime of money laundering controls in this country, and the risks we run by
allowing a vast amount of foreign black money to have unrestricted access to
the UK’s institutions.
The
present state of affairs identified by TI is merely a restatement of what has
been the status-quo for a long time, but the UK Government adamantly refuses to
take the necessary steps to enforce the laws on the prevention and forestalling
of money laundering effectively, as she has done since the laws were originally
introduced.
It is all
part of that classical degree of hypocrisy and mendaciousness which attaches to
British attempts to regulate its financial industries, and which follows a long
historical pedigree.
Back in
the day when the original Financial Services Act of 1986 was being discussed,
the City of London experienced a collective crisis of conscience when Margaret
Thatcher declared that she wanted to see a regime of financial regulation
introduced to ‘police the City’.
Thatcher
was agnostic as to what form of ‘policing’ this should take, but she did not
want the cost of the new regulations to fall on the shoulders of the tax-payer.
She was a
committed disciple of the Hayekian principles of the ‘Enabling State’, and she
could not understand why the City could not regulate itself.
She was
therefore reassured when a group of City grandees came together to identify a
method whereby the function of financial regulation would be undertaken by the
City on behalf of itself.
Thatcher
fell for the proposal outlined, hook, line and sinker, and the City then began
a hugely concerted effort to concoct a plan which would possess all the imagery
of being a regulatory organisation, but one which, in practice, would be little
more than a huge talking shop..
The
original architects of the plans realised that in order to get approval to be
able to operate the new regime of ‘self-regulation’, they would have to make
the edifice look as if it intended to operate effectively.
So a
modicum of money was set aside by the City fathers to start to create the new
animal, and the various financial interest groupings were sent away to come up with proposals for a
Self Regulating Organisation (SRO) model which would be agreeable to their
members.
What this
failed to take into consideration was the degree of self-interest and special
pleading which different financial groups were capable of generating, and it quickly
became very clear that the different groups of City players could not and would
not operate together in a concerted manner.
The Bank
of England was a regulatory entity in its own right and as it had existed since
God was a little boy, (well, since 1694 anyway) and it had no intention of
being aligned to any other group or body.
The Stock
Exchange also let it be known that it had no intention of sharing a platform
with any of the lesser breeds, while the Stock Brokers and Stock Jobbers who
worked there all joined an organisation called The Securities Association
(TSA).
They in
turn refused to have anything to do with those men and women who engaged in
various forms of Investment Management, Fund Managers etc, who in turn joined
up with a new body called IMRO or the Investment Managers Regulatory
Association.
They in
their turn considered themselves to be a rather snooty crowd, who did not want
to be associated with those dreadful mechanics who engaged in the rather
mundane and arcane practices associated with developing Life Assurance and Unit
Trust products. These chaps were left to join LAUTRO, which stood for the Life
Assurance and Unit Trust Regulatory Organisation.
The
wide-boys who traded the esoteric products and contracts in the markets which
were beginning to be known as derivatives, joined the Association of Futures
Brokers and Dealers (AFBD), while those who sold Life and Pensions products,
whom nobody else wanted to have any association with at all, became members of
the Financial Intermediaries, Managers and Brokers Regulatory Association or
FIMBRA.
The whole
Tower of Babel existed under the supervision of an umbrella organisation called
the Securities and Investments Board, (SIB).
It will
come as no surprise to anyone to realise that within a relatively short space
of time, it became absolutely clear that not only did this monstrous edifice
not work effectively as a regulating entity, but that it was not intended so to
do.
Every
entity had its own rule book and series of procedures, as well as competing and
conflicting disciplinary codes. Members were only subject to the rules of their
own organisations, enforced through their contractual relationship.
It didn’t
take long to realise that The City had used its genius for giving all the
impressions of complying with the laws in public while derogating from them in
private. There were far too many competing interests, overlapping fields of
jurisdiction, differences in regulatory interpretation, deviations in policy
issues, and generally, a complete failure to create a model which could and
would work in harmony in order to regulate the City effectively.
This did
not happen by accident, it was a deliberate and cynical policy, undertaken by
powerful City figures, to create a monster which would never be capable of
concerted best practice.
It was
done to head off and then dilute the effects of the demands for financial
regulation, and it entrenched a group of City interests, giving them remote
control over the day-to-day operation of the financial regulatory regime.
Within a
matter of years the whole rotten edifice had to be swept away, and a new model
put in its place, with a new set of legal provisioning and new entities used to
control its players, when new Act was introduced in 1990.
Even
then, the earlier models had captured the various memberships, and now financial
regulation was entrapped in a monstrous edifice of immovable rules and regulations.
The overriding
failure was to create a single supervising body with simple rules which could
have brought its influence to bear on all the market participants, subjecting
them all to a simple but tough regime of market supervision. That failure has
been complemented down the years and is now replicated in the ridiculous and
pathetic failures of first the Financial Services Authority, and now the
Financial Conduct Authority.
The same
was true for the implementation of the rules and laws dealing with money
laundering.
I have an
interest to declare here as I was very much personally involved with the
introduction of the new laws dealing with Money Laundering from the start, and
I wrote the first legal text book which was published on the same day as the
new Act came into force, April 1st 1994, an apt day in some ways!
I now
realise that my colleagues and I who worked so assiduously to help educate and
advise the financial sector on the new laws, were guilty of a modicum of
naivety in our approach to the new laws.
Most of
us who advised on the new laws and regulations were lawyers, working in
partnership with police agencies, and we had all had long experience of the
problems associated with trying to identify and determine the legal ownership
of sometimes vast sums of money, during the course of our investigations.
Despite
all our entreaties, the banks remained resolutely silent and were remarkably
unhelpful in our work, claiming the sanctity of the client’s right to
confidentiality.
The new
laws were intended to provide a way to cut through this Gordian knot, to give
the cops the information they needed to catch the criminals, while protecting
the reputation of the bankers at the same time, by providing them with a
defence against civil suit at the hands of their clients for passing on information
to the Police.
We, the
police and prosecutors had grown so used to hearing the protestations of the
bankers that really they wanted to help us, but their hands were tied by the
law, that we genuinely believed if a way could be found to give them a defence
against civil suit, they would be as good as their much protested word, and
become more cooperative with us!
Of
course, we had fallen into the trap that the City players had set for us!
They had
no intention of passing information to the Plods, particularly as it was well
known that any institution that did play that game would lose clients hand over
fist.
Why would
any bank with a regular source of money about which no questions needed to be
asked, suddenly want to start asking the very questions which nobody but the
cops wanted answers to?
The other
factor we had not considered, and of which it is only now that I finally have
come to realise the reality, is that in truth, the Government did not want
these laws being implemented too closely. either.
When you
govern an entity like the City of London, with its vast association and
relationship with the global off-shore secrecy banking havens, you begin to see
the huge amount of black and dubious money which comes washing through the City
institutions every day of the year.
This
money possesses huge benefits for this country and if the price to pay for its
continued arrival is that a blind eye is turned to its sources and the laws designed
to prevent it from coming, then the blind eye will be turned.
Let me
explain!
It is
only recently that, in mulling over some of my old adventures and experiences,
that I have recalled some of the more esoteric moments of my career.
The
original money laundering law was intended to deal solely with the proceeds of
drug trafficking. Generally speaking, even most banks (until HSBC broke the
mould), turned their noses up on the proceeds of drug trafficking. Drugs were
generally considered to be grubby, and bad for business, and most institutions
had little qualm about trying to keep drug money out of the system.
The
original law, was derived from a Directive issued by Brussels, the EU Money Laundering
Directive, and all members states had to comply with its implementation by a
fixed date. So the UK had no choice than to enact a new law dictated by the EU.
We are
all familiar with the level of agreement that most British institutions have
with EU pronouncements, but nevertheless, the UK was bound to implement the
terms of the Directive by April 1994.
So work
was being undertaken to draft and bring a act to the Statute Books which would
meet the needs of the EU.
At the same
time, in the USA, our American cousins were playing with the idea of extending
the implications of anti-momey laudering laws to the proceeds of all criminal
behaviour, nit just drug trafficking, and it was becoming clearer and clearer
that the UK would undoubtedly follow suit, to keep in lock step with our US
cousins!
As the
time came for the new laws to be implemented, we were already being drawn into
conversations and discussions about what we would come to call ‘All Crimes Money
Laundering’..
The
problem with this provision was that the proceeds of ‘All Crimes’ included
money from Tax Evasion, capital flight mechanisms, and other criminal
activities, fraud, theft, corruption, City crimes, etc, etc.
This kind
of money, and particularly capital flight and tax evasion from other countries
made up a vast sum of available investment capital, and the banks liked this
kind of money very much indeed.
Would
they declare it under the new regulations?
What was
becoming clearer was that H.M.Government was also beginning to have doubts and
second thoughts about the wisdom of these laws. It is of interest to note that
once the laws were implemented, no agency was designated as having the power to
enforce the regulations. It was as if HMG did not want the laws to be regulated
too closely or too effectively. It was enough to have the laws, we didn’t have
to be assiduous in enforcing them!
Sound familiar!
As part
of the public awareness educative process, I, with a few others travelled the
country giving public lectures on the implications of the new laws. One of my
fellow-speakers was a rather oleaginous character from H.M.Treasury.
One night
we were giving a presentation in Manchester in the Free Trade Hall!
After the
opening comments, the floor was invited to ask any questions that might be
bothering them.
A portly financier
stood up and said; ‘Do any of these laws
and provisions have anything to do with the issues of tax and/or revenue
matters generally.’
Our
friend from the Treasury indicated he would answer this, and with breathtaking insouciance
he said that these laws would have nothing whatsoever to do with tax or revenue
matters. This answer seemed to appease the audience who soon drifted off home.
On our
way South to London in the train, I asked my colleague about this question, and
I asked him why he had lied so blatantly, as we all knew that tax evasion and uauthorised
tax avoidance would be caught up in the new provisions.
His
answer was a masterpiece of Whitehall wabble-babble.
He said; “...The
word ‘lied’ is a very strong word. I was just being economical with the actualite.
See it like this. If the market believes that tax matters are caught by the new
provisions, they will dig their heels
in, and mount such a backwoods revolt that we will not get the legislation
through in this parliament. This will create a problem for us in Brussels, and
set us against the Commission, particularly as we have run out of time to implement
this law and we will be in default and subject to default actions. My masters
do not want that so I have had to be a little judicious with the truth in order
to get the people in the hall to sign up...”
If ever
there was a piece of legislation that nobody wanted, it has to be the
anti-money laundering laws. They are routinely ignored, as we have seen when
HSBC laundered billions of dollars of Mexican drug money and no-one did anything
about it.
Our laws
have been implemented in such a hap-hazard and piecemeal fashion, again with
overlapping agencies seeking to implement the rules, so that like the early
days of financial regulation, we have no-one who takes full responsibility for
the whole market sector. For years, no-one would take charge of enforcing the
Regulations and even today, they are not properly policed.
Yet
again, we have laws which, frankly, are not intended to be obeyed, and successive
Governments have routinely turned a blind eye to the implications of any
failure to enforce them.
Perfidious
Albion ideed!
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